Epstein Files Reveal Ghislane Maxwell Was Asked to Join a "Secret Shadow Commission on 9/11"

"...the invitation noted that the commission’s membership would be secret"

A new tranche of documents tied to Jeffrey Epstein’s network is drawing renewed scrutiny, with references to a little-known “Shadow Commission on 9/11,” a convicted national security official’s post-sentencing travel, and long-standing claims about Epstein’s intelligence connections resurfacing in a new context.

Among the materials is a 2003 message inviting Ghislaine Maxwell to join what was described as a “Shadow Commission on 9/11.” The invitation, attributed to investigative journalist Edward Jay Epstein, reportedly noted that the commission’s membership would be secret.

The message appears in a Justice Department-released dataset associated with the broader Epstein document disclosures. At the time, Maxwell was a central figure in Epstein’s social and financial orbit, but no public record ties her to official 9/11 investigative bodies.

The official 9/11 Commission, established by President George W. Bush on November 27, 2002, conducted its inquiry into the September 11 attacks largely behind closed doors, with only its final report and selected hearings released to the public.

The reference to a parallel or “shadow” commission raises questions about who organized it, who was invited to participate, and what purpose it served. The available documents confirm the invitation and the note about secrecy but do not clarify whether the body ever formally convened or what, if any, findings it produced.

The Maxwell invitation is not the only disclosure in the newly examined files. Records also indicate that former National Security Adviser Sandy Berger traveled to Epstein’s private Caribbean island in 2005.

The timing has drawn attention: Berger had been sentenced to 100 hours of community service after pleading guilty to illegally removing and destroying classified documents from the National Archives related in part to 9/11 preparations. Flight logs show he traveled on a flight purchased by Epstein roughly two weeks after that sentencing.

Additional documentation suggests that one day after Berger’s sentencing on September 8, 2005, a FedEx package was sent overnight to him from Epstein. Delivery records indicate it was signed for the following morning.

The contents of that package are not detailed in the materials currently available, and no official explanation accompanies the correspondence in the released files.

Another element resurfacing from the broader Epstein archive concerns his long-disputed claims of intelligence ties. Epstein at times boasted in the 1990s of having worked with or for the CIA, statements he later denied.

The new document context has revived scrutiny of those assertions, with some observers noting that Epstein appeared to treat the claim differently at various points in his life—initially presenting it as a credential and later distancing himself from it after a 1999 Freedom of Information Act inquiry.

Taken together, the references to a secretive “Shadow Commission,” Maxwell’s invitation to join it, Berger’s travel and communications with Epstein following his conviction, and the renewed focus on Epstein’s intelligence claims form a collection of details that have intensified interest in the scope of Epstein’s associations.

The documents themselves provide fragments rather than a complete narrative, but they continue to fuel questions about the reach of Epstein’s network and the circles in which it operated during the years following the September 11 attacks.

Additional strands of 9/11-era controversy continue to circulate alongside the newly discussed Epstein-related disclosures, drawing attention back to the chaotic days, decisions, and financial aftermath tied to the attacks.

Among the frequently cited examples are stories involving individuals who, by chance or circumstance, were not present at the World Trade Center on the morning of September 11.

Larry Silverstein, the leaseholder of the World Trade Center complex, has long said he missed his routine breakfast at the top of the North Tower that morning due to a medical appointment.

Similarly, Cantor Fitzgerald CEO Howard Lutnick has publicly recounted that he drove his son to school that day instead of heading directly to the firm’s offices in the North Tower, a decision that spared his life while 658 Cantor Fitzgerald employees were killed.

In the aftermath, Cantor Fitzgerald established relief and compensation programs for the families of employees who died in the attacks. Public reporting from the years following 9/11 details that the firm pledged long-term financial support to affected families and created a charitable foundation intended to assist them.

At the same time, questions and criticisms emerged in some media coverage and commentary regarding the distribution of insurance proceeds and foundation funds, as well as how much of the firm’s recovery funds were directed toward rebuilding the company versus compensating victims’ families.

Lutnick has repeatedly stated in interviews and testimony that the firm provided significant long-term payments and health benefits to families and that the foundation raised and distributed substantial sums. Disputes and criticisms over financial decisions in the aftermath of the attacks have remained part of the broader public conversation surrounding 9/11’s financial legacy.

Another frequently cited episode involves the Israeli messaging company Odigo. On September 11, 2001, two Odigo employees in Israel reportedly received electronic messages warning of an impending attack on the World Trade Center roughly two hours before the planes struck.

The messages, which did not specify exact details, were reported to U.S. authorities and investigated. According to contemporaneous reporting, including coverage in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, the origin of the messages was difficult to trace and was believed to have come through an internet messaging service rather than from a verified intelligence source. Investigators examined the warnings but found no evidence that they were connected to a broader, actionable intelligence network prior to the attacks.

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